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CHAPTER
I.
HOW THE LAND RECEIVED THE LEGACY OF WASHINGTON.
June -- December, 1783.
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Page 117 |
All movements conspired to
form for the thirteen states a constitution, sooner than they dared to hope and
"better than they knew." "The love of union and the resistance to the
claims of Great Britain were the inseparable inmates of the same bosom. Brave men from
different states, risking life and everything valuable in a common cause, believed by all
to be most precious, were confirmed in the habit of considering America as their country
and congress as their government." [1] Acting as one, they had attained independence.
Moreover, it was their fixed belief that they had waged battle not for themselves alone,
but for the hopes and the rights of mankind; and this faith overleapt the limits of states
with the force of a religious conviction. For eighteen years the states had watched
together over their liberties; for eight they had borne arms together to preserve them;
for more than two they |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
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1. Marshall in Van Santvoord's Chief Justices of the U. S., 314, 315.
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had been confederates under a compact to remain united forever.The federation excelled every one that had preceded it. Inter-citizenship and
mutual equality of rights between all its members gave to it a new character and an
enduring unity. The Hebrew commonwealth was intensely exclusive, both by descent and from
religion; every Greek republic grew out of families and tribes; the word nation originally
implied a common ancestry. All mediæval republics, like the Roman municipalities, rested
on privilege. The principle of inter-citizenship infused itself neither into the
constitution of the old German empire, nor of Switzerland, nor of Holland. Even when the
American people took up arms against Great Britain, congress defined only the membership
[1] of each colony; the articles of confederation first brought in the rule that any one
might at will transfer his membership from one state to another. Of old a family, a sept,
a clan, a tribe, a nation, a race, owed its unity to consanguinity; the Americans became
not only one people, but one nation. They had framed a union of several states in one
confederacy, fortified and bound in with a further union of the inhabitants of every one
of them by a mutual and reciprocally perfect naturalization. [2] This inter-citizenship,
though only in its thirst year, has been so ratified by national affections, by the
national acquisition of independence, by national treaties, by national interests, by |
Chap.
I.
1783.
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Page 118
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1. Journals of Congress, i. 365.
2. Bacon's speech for general nat-. |
uralization. Spedding's Bacon's Letters and Life, iii. 319. |
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national history, that the people possessing it cannot but take one step more, and from an
indwelling necessity form above the states a common constitution for the whole.It was to a nation which had not as yet a self-existent government,
and which needed and felt the need of one, that Washington's legacy went forth. The love
which was everywhere cherished for him, in itself had become a bond of union. "They
are compelled to await the result of his letter," reported Luzerne; [1] "they
hope more from the weight of a single citizen than from the authority of the sovereign
body." Jonathan Trumbull, the venerable governor of Connecticut, in his prompt reply
extolled "this last address of Washington which exhibited the foundation
principles" of "an indissoluble union of the states under one federal
hand." [2] When in the next autumn this faithful war governor, after more than fifty
years of service, bade farewell to public life, imitating Washington, he set forth to the
legislature of Connecticut, and through them to its people, that the grant to the federal
constitution of powers clearly defined, ascertained, and understood, and sufficient for
all the great purposes of union, could alone lead from the danger of anarchy to national
happiness and glory. [3]
In June the general assembly of Delaware complied with all
parts of the recommendation of congress, coupling the impost with the state's quota of |
Chap.
I.
1783.
June. |
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1. Luzerne to Vergennes, 4 Aug., 1783. MS. |
2. Jonathan Trumbull to Washington, 10 June, 1783. MS.
3. Stuart's Trumbull, 604-608. |
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the federal requisition. [1] To Washington, Nicholas Van Dyke, the governor, on receiving
the circular, reported this proof of their zeal for establishing the credit of the union,
adding: "The state which declines a similar conduct must be blind to the united
interest with which that of the individual states is inseparably connected." [2]Pennsylvania, linking together the North and the South, never
hesitated; then and ever after, it made the reasoning and the hopefulness of Washington
its own. At a festival in Philadelphia, held near the middle of July, with Dickinson, the
president of the state, in the chair, the leading toast was: "New strength to the
union;" and, when "Honor and immortality to the principles in Washington's
circular letter" was proposed, the company rose twice and manifested their
approbation by nine huzzas.
A month later, Dickinson and the council of Pennsylvania
sent to the general assembly the valedictory of the commander-in-chief, quoting and
enforcing his words, saying: "We most earnestly recommend that the confederation be
strengthened and improved. To advance the dignity of the union is the best way to advance
the interest of each state. A federal supremacy, with a competent national revenue, to
govern firmly general and relative concerns," can alone "ensure the respect,
tranquillity, and safety, that are naturally attached to an extensive and well-established
empire. All the authorities before mentioned may be vested in a federal council, not only
without |
Chap.
I.
1783.
July.
Aug. |
Page 120
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1. Papers of Old Congress, lxxv. MS. |
2. Nicholas Van Dyke to Washington, 2 July, 1783. MS. |
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the least danger to liberty, but liberty will be thereby better secured." [1] The
house on the twenty-fifth, joining together the impost and the quota of the state,
unanimously ordered the grant of them both, [2] and at a later session thanked Washington
specially for his final "circular letter, the inestimable legacy bequeathed to his
country."In March, during a session of the
legislature of South Carolina, Greene, who had received the suggestions of Gouverneur
Morris, addressed a letter to the state through Guerard, the governor, representing the
sufferings and mutinous temper of the army, and the need of a revenue for congress, and
saying: "Independence can only prove a blessing under congressional influence. More
is to be dreaded from the members of congress exercising too little than too much power.
The financier says his department is on the brink of ruin. To the northward, to the
southward, the eyes of the army are turned upon the states, whose measures will determine
their conduct. They will not be satisfied with general promises; nothing short of
permanent and certain revenue will keep them subject to authority."
"No dictation by a Cromwell!" cried impatient
members who could scarcely wait to hear the conclusion of the letter. [3] To mark
independence of congress and resistance to the requisitions of "its swordsmen,"
South Carolina revoked its grant to the United States of power to levy a five per cent
duty on im- |
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1783. |
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1. Colonial Records, xiii, 648, 649.
2. Papers of Old Congress, lxxv. MS. |
3. Johnson's Life of Greene, ii. 387, 388. |
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ports. [1] Greene consoled himself with the thought that "he had done his duty and
would await events;" but he was made wiser by the rebuff. While he perceived that
without more effectual support the power of congress must expire, he saw that the movement
of soldiers without civil authority is pregnant with danger, and would naturally fall
under the "direction of the Clodiuses and Catilines in America." [2] The appeal
of congress in April exercised little counteracting influence; but, when the circular of
Washington arrived, the force and affection with which it was written produced an
alteration of sentiment in more than one quarter of the members. "Washington was
admired before; now he was little less than adored." [3] The continental impost act
was adopted, through not without a clause reserving the collection of the duties to the
officers of the state, and appropriating them to the payment of the federal quota of South
Carolina. [4]In October, Clinton, the governor of New York,
responded to Washington: "Unless the powers of the national council are enlarged and
that body better supported than at present, all its measures will discover such feebleness
and want of energy as will stain us with disgrace and expose us to the worst of
evils." [5] And in the following January, holding up to the legislature the last
circular of the |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Aug.
Oct. |
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1. Johnson's Life of Greene, ii. 388.
2. Greene to G. Morris, 3 April, 1783. Sparks' Life of G. Morris, i. 251, 252.
3. Greene to Washington, 8 Aug., 1783. Letters to Washington, iv. 38. |
4. Statute No. 1190, passed 13 Aug., 1783, in Statutes at Large of South Carolina,
iv. 570.
5. Clinton to Washington, 14 Oct., 1783. Letters to Washington, iv. 48. |
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commander-in-chief, he charged them to "be attentive to every measure which has a
tendency to cement the union and to give to the national councils that energy which may be
necessary for the general welfare." [1]The circular
reached Massachusetts just when the legislature was complaining of the half-pay and of
excessively large salaries to civil officers. The senate and the house despatched a most
affectionate joint address to Washington, attributing to the guidance of an all-wise
Providence his selection as commander-in-chief, adding: "While patriots shall not
cease to applaud your sacred attachment to the rights of citizens, your military virtue
and achievements will make the brightest pages in the history of mankind." [2] To
congress the legislature gave assurances that "it could not without horror entertain
the most distant idea of the dissolution of the union;" though "the
extraordinary grants of congress to civil and military officers had produced in the
commonwealth effects of a threatening aspect." [3] John Hancock, the popular
governor, commending Washington's circular, looked to him as the statesman "of wisdom
and experience," teaching them how to improve to the happiest purposes the advantages
gained by arms.
As president of the senate, Samuel Adams officially signed the
remonstrance of Massachusetts against half-pay; as a citizen, he frankly and boldly, in
his own state and in Connecticut, defended the advice of Washington: "In resisting
encroachments |
Chap.
I.
1784.
Jan.
1783.
Aug
Sept.
25. |
Page 123
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1. Speech to the legislature, 21 Jan., 1784. |
2. Boston Gazette, 22 Aug., 1783.
3. Journals of Congress, iv. 276. |
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on our rights, an army became necessary. Congress were and ought to be the sole judge of
the means of supporting that army; they had an undoubted right in the very nature of their
appointment to make the grant of half-pay; and, as it was made in behalf of the United
States, each state is bound in justice to comply with it, even though it should seem to
them to have been an ill-judged measure. States as well as individual persons are equally
bound to fulfil their engagements, and it is one part of the description given to us in
the sacred scriptures of an honest man, that, though 'he sweareth to his own hurt, he
changeth not.'" [1]In like spirit congress replied to
the protest against half-pay. "The measure was the result of a deliberate judgment
framed on a general view of the interests of the union, and pledged the national faith to
carry it into effect. If a state every way so important as Massachusetts should withhold
her solid support to constitutional measures of the confederacy, the result must be a
dissolution of the union; and then she must hold herself as alone responsible for the
anarchy and domestic confusion that may succeed." [2]
At the opening of the autumn session, Hancock, recalling the
attention of the legislature to the words of Washington, said: "How to strengthen and
im- |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Sept. |
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1. Samuel Adams to a friend in Connecticut. Boston, 25 Sept., 1783. MS. Same to Noah
Webster, 30 April, 1784. MS.
2. Journals of Congress, iv. 277, 278. Congress, on which Washington was then in
attendance, |
would surely have consulted him on the half-pay of which he was the author. The original
papers prove that the congressional reply to Massachusetts was prepared after much
consultation, and here and there show traces of his mind. |
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prove this union, so as to render it more completely adequate, demands the immediate
attention of these states. Our very existence as a free nation is suspended upon it."
[1]On the ninth of October he cited to the general court
extracts of letters from John Adams, confirming the sentiments of Washington. Near forty
towns in the state had instructed their representatives against granting the impost
recommended by congress. And yet it was carried in the house by seventy-two against
sixty-five; a proviso that it should not be used to discharge half-pay or its commutation
was rejected by a majority of ten; and the bill passed the senate almost unanimously. [2]
Some of the towns still murmured, but Boston in town-meeting answered: "The
commutation is wisely blended with the national debt. With respect to the impost, if we
ever mean to be a nation, we must give power to Congress and funds too."
But Washington's letter achieved its greatest victory in his own
state. Mercer had said in congress that, sooner than reinstate the impost, he would
"crawl to Richmond on his bare knees." [3] The legislature, which was in session
when the communication from congress arrived, ordered a bill to grant the impost.
Jefferson was hoping that Henry would speak for the grant; but he remained mute in his
place. [4] Richard Henry Lee and Thruston spoke of congress |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Oct. |
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1. Salem Gazette of 2 Oct., 1783.
2. Samuel Cooper to Franklin, 16 Oct., 1783. Works of Franklin, x. 25. Salem
Gazette, 30 Oct., 1783. |
3. Madison to Randolph, 18 Feb., 1783. Gilpin, 506.
4. Jefferson to Madison, 7 May, 1 June, 17 June, 1783. MSS. |
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as "lusting for power." The extent of the implied powers which Hamilton had
asserted in the letter of congress to Rhode Island was "reprobated as alarming and of
dangerous tendency;" [1] and on the eleventh of June the proposition of congress was
pronounced to be inadmissible, because the revenue-officers were not to be amenable to the
commonwealth; because the power of collecting a revenue by penal laws could not be
delegated without danger; and because the moneys to be raised from citizens of Virginia
were to go into the general treasury. So the proposition of congress was left without any
support. Virginia, to discharge her continental debt, preferred to establish a
custom-house of her own, appropriating its income to congress for five-and-twenty years,
and making good the deficiency by taxes on land, negroes, and polls. "The
state," said Arthur Lee, "is resolved not to suffer the exercise of any foreign
power or influence within it." [2] But, when the words of Washington were read, the
house gave leave to the advocates for a continental impost to provide for it by a bill
which was to have its first reading at the opening of the next session.These events did but render Richard Henry Lee more obdurate. Placing himself
directly in the way of Washington and Madison, he wrote to a friend at the north:
"The late address of congress to the states on the impost I think a too early and too
strong attempt to overleap those fences established by the |
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I.
1783. |
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1. Joseph Jones to Madison, 14 June, 1783, MS.; in part in Rives' Madison, i. 436. |
2. Arthur Lee to Theodorick Bland, 13 June, 1783. Bland Papers, ii. 110. |
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confederation to secure the liberties of the respective states. Give the purse to an
aristocratic assembly, the sword will follow, and liberty become an empty name. As for
increasing the power of congress, I would answer as the discerning men of old, with the
change of a word only: 'Nolumus leges confederationis mutari -- we forbid change in the
laws of the confederation.'" [1] But, in the time afforded for reflection,
Washington's valedictory letter, which Jefferson describes as "deservedly applauded
by the world," [2] gained more and more power; at the adjourned session, the
legislature of Virginia, with absolute unanimity, reversed its decision and granted by law
the continental impost. [3] "Everything will come right at last," said
Washington, as he heard the gladdening news. [4]"Never,"
said George Mason, "have I heard one single man deny the necessity and propriety of
the union. No object can be lost when the mind of every man in the country is strongly
attached to it." [5] "I do not believe," witnesses Jefferson, "there
has ever been a moment when a single whig in any one state would not have been shuddered
at the very idea of a separation of their state from the confederacy." [6] A
proposition had been made in June to revoke the release to the United States of the
territory north-west of the river Ohio. Patrick Henry was for bounding the state
reasonably enough, but, instead of ceding the parts lopped off, he was for forming |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 127
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1. R. H. Lee to William Whipple, 1 July, 1783. MS.
2. Jefferson's Works, ix. 266.
3. Hening, xi. 313. |
4. Sparks, ix, 5.
5. George Mason in the Virginia Convention, 11 June, 1788.
6. Jefferson, ix. 251. |
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them into small republics [1] under the direction of Virginia. Nevertheless, the
legislature, guided by the sincerity and perseverance of Joseph Jones of King George
county, conformed to the wishes of congress, and on the nineteenth and twentieth of
December cheerfully amended and confirmed their former cession. [2]The last legislature to address Washington in his public character was
Maryland, and they said: "By your letter you have taught us how to value, preserve,
and improve that liberty which your services under the smiles of Providence have secured.
If the powers given to congress by the confederation should be found incompetent to the
purposes of the union, our constituents will readily consent to enlarge them." [3]
On the part of congress, its president, Elias Boudinot of New
Jersey, transmitted to the ministers of America in Europe the circular letter of
Washington as the most perfect evidence of "his inimitable character." [4]
Before the end of June, raw recruits of the Pennsylvania line, in
the barracks at Philadelphia, many of them foreign born, joined by others from Lancaster,
[5] "soldiers of a day who could have very few hardships to complain of," [6]
with some returning veterans whom they forced into their ranks, [7] encouraged by no
officer of note, [8], surrounding congress [9] and the |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Dec. |
Page 128
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1. Jefferson to Madison, 17 June, 1783. MS.
2. Journals of House of DElegates, 71, 79.
3. Address of the Maryland legislature, 22 Dec., 1783. MS.
4. Dip. Cor., i. 14. |
5. Ibid., i. 9.
6. Sparks, viii. 455.
7. Dip. Cor., i. 10, 22, 23; Hamilton, i. 387.
8. Dip. Cor., ii. 514; i. 37, 50.
9. Gilpin, 548; Colonial Records, xiii. 655. |
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council of Pennsylvania, mutinously presented to them demands for pay. Congress insisted
with the state authorities that the militia should be called out to restore order, and,
the request being refused, [1] it adjourned to Princeton. On the rumor that the
commander-in-chief was sending troops to quell the mutiny, the insurgents, about three
hundred in number, made their submission to the president of the state. [2]The incident hastened the selection of a place for the permanent residence of
congress. The articles of confederation left congress free to meet where it would. With
the knowledge of the treaty of peace, the idea naturally arose of a federal town, and for
its site there were many competitors. Of the thirteen states which at that time fringed
the Atlantic, the central point was in Maryland or Virginia. In March, 1783, New York
tendered Kingston; in May, Maryland urged the choice of Annapolis; in June, New Jersey
offered a district below the falls of the Delaware. Virginia, having Georgetown for its
object, [3] invited Maryland to join in a cession of equal portions of territory lying
together on the Potomac; leaving congress to fix its residence on either side. [4]
During the summer, congress appointed a committee to consider what
jurisdiction it should exercise in its abiding-place. Madison took counsel with Randolph,
and especially with Jefferson; [5] and in September the committee of which he was a member
reported that the state ceding the territory must |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 129
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1. Hamilton, ii. 276.
2. Dip. Cor., i. 12.
3. Madison to Randolph, 13 Oct., 1783. Gilpin, 578. |
4. Journals of the Virginia House of Delegates, June 28, 1783, p. 97.
5. Gilpin, 573. |
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give up all jurisdiction over it; the inhabitants were to be assured of a government of
laws made by representatives of their own election. [1] In October, congress took up the
question of its permanent residence. Gerry struggled hard for the district on the Potomac;
but, by the vote of Delaware and all the northern states, "a place on the Delaware
near the falls" was selected. Within a few days the fear of an overpowering influence
of the middle states led to what was called "the happy coalition;" on the
seventeenth Gerry insisted that the alternative residence of congress in two places would
secure the mutual confidence and affections of the states and preserve the federal balance
of power. After a debate of several days, New England, with Maryland, Virginia, and the
two Carolinas, decided that congress should reside for equal periods on the Delaware and
near the lower falls of the Potomac. Till buildings for its use should be erected, it was
to meet alternatively in Annapolis and Trenton. To carry out the engagement, a committee,
of which James Monroe was a member, made an excursion from Annapolis in the following May
to view the country round Georgetown; and they reported in favor of the position on which
the city of Washington now stands. [4]The farewell circular
letter of Washington addressed to all his countrymen had attracted the attention of
congress, and in particular of Hamilton, |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 130
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1. Gilpin, 559, 571-576.
2. Madison to Randolph, 13 Oct., 1783. Gilpin, 576. [ed. ??]
3. Higginson to Bland, Jan., 1784. Bland Papers, ii. 113, 114. Com- |
pare Boudinot to R. R. Livingston, 23 Oct., 17832. MS. [ed. ??]
4. Monroe to Jefferson, May 20 and May 25, 1784. MSS. |
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who roused himself from his own desponding mood when he saw the great chieftain go forth
alone to combat "the epidemic phrenzy" [1] of the supreme sovereignty of the
separate states. During the time of disturbances in the army, "could force have
availed, he had almost wished to see it employed." [2] Knowing nothing beforehand of
Washington's intention to address the people, he had favored some combined action of
congress and the general to compel the states forthwith to choose between national anarchy
and a consolidated union. [3] No sooner had congress established itself in Princeton [4]
than the zeal of the youthful statesman bore him toward the same noble end, and by the
same means as Washington. He drafted a most elaborate and comprehensive series of
resolutions embodying in clear and definite language the defects in the confederation as a
form of federal government; and closing with an earnest recommendation to the several
states to appoint a convention to meet at a fixed time and place, with full powers to
revise the confederation, and adopt and propose such alterations as to them should appear
necessary; to be finally approved or rejected by the states respectively. [5]But in congress of that day he found little disposition to second an
immediate effort for a new constitution. Of the committee elected on the twenty-eighth of
April, which counted among its members the great names of Ellsworth, Wilson, and Ham- |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 131
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1. Hamilton, i. 402.
2. Ibid., i. 352.
3. Ibid., i. 402.
4. Hamilton's endorsement on his own paper is: "Resolutions in- |
tended to be submitted to congress at Princeton in 1783, but abandoned for want of
support." MS.
5. Hamilton, i. 269-275. |
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ilton, Wilson and two others had gone home; Ellsworth followed in the first half of July,
but not till he had announced to the governor of Connecticut: "It will soon be of
very little consequence where congress go, if they are not made respectable as well as
responsible; which can never be done without giving them a power to perform engagements as
well as make them. There must be a revenue somehow established that can be relied on and
applied for national purposes, independent of the will of a single state, or it will be
impossible to support national faith, or national existence. The powers of congress must
be adequate to the purposes of their constitution. It is possible there may be abuses and
misapplications; still it is better to hazard something than to hazard all." [1]
Nearly at the same moment Hamilton wrote to Greene: "There is so little disposition,
either in or out of congress, to give solidity to our national system, that there is no
motive to a man to lose his time in the public service who has no other view than to
promote its welfare. Experience must convince us that our present establishments are
utopian before we shall be ready to part with them for better." To Jay his words
were: "It is to be hoped that, when prejudice and folly have run themselves out of
breath, we may return to reason and correct our errors." [2] Confirmed in "his
ill forebodings as to the future system of the country," [3] "he abandoned his
resolutions for the want of support." [4] |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 132
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1. Ellsworth, infra, 324.
2. Johnson, ii. 442. Jay's Jay, ii. 123. |
3. Hamilton, i., 352.
4. Hamilton's memorandum. MS. |
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In congress, which he left near the end of July, three months before the period for which
he was chosen expired, we know through his ardent friend that "his homilies were
recollected with pleasure;" that his extreme zeal made impressions in favor of his
integrity, honor, and republican principles; that he had displayed various knowledge, had
been sometimes intemperate and sometimes, through rarely, visionary; that cautious
statesmen thought, if he could pursue an object with as much cold perseverance as he could
defend it with ardor and judgement, he would prove irresistible. [1] From the goodness of
his heart, his pride, and his sense of duty he gave up "future views of public
life," [2] to toil for the support of his wife and children in a profession of which
to him the labors were alike engrossing and irksome. [3] In four successive years, with
few to heed him, he had written and spoken for a constituent federal convention. His last
official word to Clinton was: "Strengthen the confederation." [4]On the second of September, more than a month after Hamilton had withdrawn,
the remnant of the committee of the twenty-eighth of April, increased by Samuel
Huntington, of Connecticut, reported that "until the effect of the resolution of
congress, of April last, relating to revenue, should be known, it would be proper to
postpone the further consideration of the concurrent resolutions of the senate and assem- |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 133
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1. McHenry to Hamilton, 29 Oct., 1783. Hamilton, i. 411.
2. Hamilton to Clinton, 14 May, 1783. Hamilton, i. 368.
3. That Hamilton disliked the la- |
bors of a lawyer, I received from Eliphalet Nott.
4. Hamilton to Clinton, 3 Oct., 1783. Hamilton, i. 407. |
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bly of New York." [1] In this way the first proposition by a state for reforming the
government through a federal convention was put to sleep.All
this while the British commander was preparing for the evacuation of New York. The
malignant cruelty of royalists, especially in New York and South Carolina, who prompted
and loved to execute the ruthless orders of Germain, aroused against them, as had been
foretold, a just indignation, which unhappily extended to thousands of families in the
United States who had taken no part in the excesses. Toward these Washington and Adams,
Jay and Hamilton, and Jefferson, who was especially called "their protector and
support," [2] and many of the best councelled forbearance and forgiveness. Motives of
policy urged their absorption into the population of the union now that the sovereign to
whom they had continued their allegiance had given them their release. But a dread of
their political influence prevailed, and before the end of 1783 more than twenty-thousand
loyalists, as many as the original planters of Massachusetts, and, like them, families of
superior culture, were driven to seek homes in the wilds of Nova Scotia. [3] In this way
the United States out of their own children built up on their border a colony of rivals in
navigation and the fishery whose loyalty to the British crown was sanctified by
misfortunes. Nor did the British parliament hesitate for a moment to compensate all
refugees for the confiscation of their |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 134
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1. Report of Peters, McHenry, Izard, Duane, and S. Huntington, of 2 Sept., 1783. MS. |
2. Luzerne to Rayneval, of 18 June, 1784. MS.
3. Haliburton's Nova Scotia, i. 263. |
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property, and, when the amount was ascertained, it voted them from the British treasury as
an indemnity very nearly fifteen and a half millions of dollars. [1]The American army being nearly disbanded, Washington, on the eighteenth of
July, with Governor Clinton as his companion, made an excursion into the interior, during
which he personally examined the lines of water communication between branches of the
Hudson and the Saint Lawrence, the lakes and the Susquehanna. By these observations, he
comprehended more clearly "the immense extent and importance of the inland navigation
of the United States. I shall not rest contented," said he, "till I have
explored the western country and traversed great part of those lines which give bounds to
a new empire." [2]
He wished at that time to visit the Niagara; but over the fort on
the American side of that river the British flag still waved. Thrice Washington had
invited the attention of congress to the western posts; and he was now instructed to
demand them. He accordingly accredited Steuben to Haldimand, the British
commander-in-chief in Canada, with power to receive them. At Sorel, on the eighth of
August, Steuben explained his mission to Haldimand, who answered that he had not received
any orders for making the least arrangements for the evacuation of a single post; and
without positive orders he would not evacuate one inch of ground. [3] Nor would he |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 135
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1. Sabine's Loyalists, 111.
2. Washington to Chastellux, Oct., 1783. Sparks, viii. 489. |
3. Baron Steuben to Washington, 23 Aug., 1783. Letters to Washington, iv. 41, 42. |
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permit Steuben to communicate with the inhabitants of any place occupied by the British.On the seventh of August, just as Washington had returned from his northern
tour, congress, ten states being present, unanimously voted him a statue of bronze, to be
executed by the best artist of Europe. [1] On the marble pedestal were to be represented,
in low relief, the evacuation of Boston, the capture of Hessians at Trenton, the victory
at Princeton, the action at Monmouth, and the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown.
"The statue," wrote Luzerne, "is the only mark of public gratitude which
Washington can accept, and the only one which the government in its poverty can
offer." [2]
But a greater honor awaited him. At the request of congress, he
removed his quarters to the neighborhood of Princeton; and on the twenty-sixth, in a
public audience, Boudinot, the president, said to him: "In other nations many have
deserved and received the thanks of the public; but to you, sir, peculiar praise is due;
your services have been essential in acquiring and establishing the freedom and
independence of your country. It still needs your services in forming arrangements for the
time of peace." A committee was charged to receive his assistance in preparing and
directing the necessary plans. [3]
The choice of Washington for a counsellor proved the sincerity of
congress in favor of union, and a |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Aug.
26. |
Page 136
|
1. Journals of Congress, iv. 251. It still remains to give effect to the vote. |
2. Luzerne to Vergennes, 25 Aug., 1783. MS.
3. Journals of Congress, iv. 256. |
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series of national measures was inaugurated. For a peace establishment, he matured a
system which was capable of a gradual development. He would have a regular and standing
force of twenty-six hundred and thirty-one men, to be employed chiefly in garrisoning the
frontier posts. Light troops he specially recommended as suited to the genius of the
people. The people in all the states were to be organized and trained in arms as one grand
national militia. He proposed a military academy like the Prussian schools, of which he
had learned the character from Steuben. Vacancies in the class of officers were to be
filled from its graduates; but promotions were not to depend on seniority alone. For the
materials essential to war, there were to be not only national arsenals but national
manufactories. The Protection of foreign commerce would require a navy. All branches in
the service were to look exclusively to congress for their orders and their pay. A
penniless treasury, which congress knew not how to fill, made the scheme for the moment an
ideal one.To regulate intercourse with the tribes of Indians,
Washington laid down the outlines of a system. Outside of the limits of the states no
purchase of their lands was to be made, but by the United States as "the sovereign
power." All traders with them were to be under strict control. He penetrated the
sinister design of the British government to hold the western posts, and recommended
friendly attention to the French and other settlers at Detroit and elsewhere in the
western territory. Looking to "the formation of new states," he sketched the
boundaries |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
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of Ohio and of Michigan, and,
on his advice, [1] congress in October resolved on appointing a committee to report a plan
of a temporary government for the western territory whose inhabitants were one day to be
received into the union under republican constitutions of their own choice. Here the
greatness of the intention was not impaired by the public penury, for the work was to be
executed by the emigrants themselves. In anticipation of an acceptable cession of the
north-western lands by all the claimant states, officers and soldiers who had a right to
bounty lands began to gain the west by way of the lakes or across the mountains. [2] This
was the movement toward union which nothing could repress or weaken. Especially Maryland
insisted that "the sovereignty over the western territory was vested in the United
States as one undivided and independent nation." [3] Among his latest official acts, Washington interceded with congress on behalf
of Kosciuszko, pleading for him "his merit and services from the concurrent testimony
of all who knew him;" and congress accordingly granted the Polish exile who was to
become dear to many nations the brevet commission of brigadier-general. [4]
The last days of this congress were cheered by the arrival of Van
Berckel, as envoy from the Dutch republic, the first minister accredited to America |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 138 |
1. Washington to Duane, 7 Sept., 1783. Sparks, viii. 477. Secret Journals of
Congress, i. 255-260.
2. Journals of Congress, iv. 294-296. |
3. Journals of Congress, iv. 265. In the original MS, the word "one" is
twice underscored.
4. Washington to Congress, 2 Oct., 1783. Sparks, viii. 487. |
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since the peace. [1] An escort
was sent out to meet him, and on the thirty-first of October, in a public audience,
congress gave him a national welcome. On the first of November
the third congress under the confederation came together for the last time. It made
persistent attempts to invigorate the union; declared the inviolable sanctity of the
national debt; asked of the states a general revenue; prepared for planting new states in
the continental domain; and extended diplomatic relations. Its demand of powers of
government did not reach far enough, but it kept alive the desire for reform. It appointed
a day of public thanksgiving that "all the people might assemble to give praise to
their Supreme Benefactor for the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the United
States;" and, as the day came, the pulpit echoed the prayer; "May all the states
be one." [2]
The principle of rotation drove Madison from the national councils.
He was unmarried and above care; and, until he should again be eligible to congress, he
devoted himself to the study of federal government and to public service in the
legislature of his own state, where with strong convictions and unselfish patriotism he
wrought with single-mindedness to bring about an efficient form of republican government.
He was calm, wakeful, and cautious, pursuing with patience his one great object; never
missing an opportunity to advance it; caring not over- |
Chap.
I.
1783. |
Page 139 |
1. Van Berckel to the states general, 3 Nov., 1783. MS. |
2. John Murray's thanksgiving sermon, Tyranny's grove destroyed, p. 71. |
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much for conspicuousness or fame; and ever ready to efface himself if he could but
accomplish his design.On Sunday, the second of November, the
day before the discharge of all persons enlisted for the war, the commander-in-chief
addressed the armies of the United States, however widely their members might be
dispersed. Mingling affectionate thanks with praise, he described their unparalleled
perseverance for eight long years as little short of a standing miracle, and for their
solace bade them call to recollection the astonishing events in which they had taken part,
the enlarged prospects of happiness which they had assisted to open for the human race. He
encouraged them as citizens to renew their old occupations; and, to those hardy soldiers
who were fond of domestic enjoyment and personal independence, he pointed to the fertile
regions beyond the Alleghanies as the most happy asylum. In the moment of parting, he held
up as an example to the country the harmony which had prevailed in the camp, where men
from different parts of the continent and of the most violent local prejudices instantly
became but one patriotic band of brothers. "Although the general," these are the
words of his last order, "has so frequently given it as his opinion in the most
public and explicit manner, that, unless the principles of the federal government were
properly supported, and the powers of the union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice
of the nation would be lost forever, yet he cannot help leaving it as his last injunction
to every officer and every soldier to add his best endeavors toward effect- |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Nov.
2. |
Page 140
|
ing these great
purposes." [1] Washington sent forth every one of his fellow-soldiers as an apostle
of union under a new constitution. Almost all the Germans who
had been prisoners preferred to abide in the United States, where they soon became useful
citizens. The remnant of the British army had crossed to Staten Island and Long Island for
embarkation, when, on the twenty-fifth of November, Washington and the governor and other
officers of the state and city of New York were met at the Bowery by Knox and citizens,
and in orderly procession made their glad progress into the heart of the town. Rejoicings
followed. The emblem chosen to introduce the evening display of fireworks was a dove
descending with the olive-branch.
For their farewell to Washington, the officers of the army, on the
fourth of December, met at a public-house near the Battery, and were soon joined by their
commander. The thoughts of the eight years which they had passed together, their common
distresses, their victories, and now their parting from the public service, the future of
themselves and of their country, came thronging to every mind. No relation of friendship
is stronger or more tender than that between men who have shared together the perils of
war in a noble and upright cause. The officers could attest that the courage which is the
most perfect and the most rare, the courage which determines the man, without the least
hesitation, to hold his life of less account than the success of the cause for which he |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Nov.
25.
Dec.
4. |
Page 141 |
1. Farewell address to the armies of the United States. Rocky Hill, |
near Princeton, 2 Nov., 1783. Sparks, viii. 493. |
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contends, was the habit of Washington. Pledging them in a glass of wine, he thus addressed
them: "With an heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. May your
latter days be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious. I shall be
obliged to you if each of you will come and take me by the hand." With tears on his
cheeks, he grasped the hand of Knox, who stood nearest, and embraced him. In the same
manner he took leave of every officer. Followed by the company in a silent procession, he
passed through a corps of light infantry to the ferry at Whitehall. Entering his barge, he
waved his hat to them; with the same silence they returned that last voiceless farewell,
and the boat pushed across the Hudson. A father parting from his children could not excite
more regret nor draw more tears. [1]On his way through New
Jersey, the chief was received with the tenderest respect and affection by all classes of
men. The roads were covered with people who came from all quarters to see him, to get near
to him, to speak to him. Alone and ready to lay down in the hands of congress the command
which had been confided to him, he appeared even greater than when he was at the head of
the armies of the United States. The inhabitants of Philadelphia knew that he was drawing
near, and, without other notice, an innumerable crowd placed themselves along the road
where he was to pass. Women, aged men, left their houses to see him. Children passed among
the horses to touch his garments. Acclamations of joy |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Dec. |
Page 142
|
1. Luzerne to Vergennes, 13 Dec., 1783. MS.
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and gratitude accompanied him in all the streets. Never was homage more spontaneous or
more pure. The general enjoyed the scene, and owned himself by the moment repaid for eight
years of toils and wants and tribulations. [1]At Philadelphia,
he put into the hands of the comptroller his accounts to the thirteenth of December, 1783,
all written with minute exactness by his own hand, and accompanied by vouchers
conveniently arranged. Every debit against him was credited; but, as he had not always
made an entry of moneys of his own expended in the public service, he was, and chose to
remain, a considerable loser. To the last he refused all compensation and all indemnity,
though his resources had been greatly diminished by the war.
On the twenty-third of December, at noon, congress in Annapolis
received the commander-in-chief. Its members, when seated, wore their hats, as a sign that
they represented the sovereignty of the union. Places were assigned to the governor,
council, and legislature of Maryland, to general officers, and to the representative of
France. Spectators filled the gallery and crowded upon the floor. Hope gladdened all as
they forecast the coming greatness of their land.
Rising with dignity, Washington spoke of the rectitude of the common
cause; the support of congress; of his countrymen; of Providence; and he commended the
interests of "our dearest country to the care of Almighty God." Then saying that
he had |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Dec.
23. |
Page 143
|
1. Luzerne to Vergennes, 13 Dec., 1783. MS.
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finished the work assigned him to do, he bade an affectionate farewell to the august body
under whose orders he had so long acted, resigned with satisfaction the commission which
he had accepted with diffidence, and took leave of public life. His emotion was so great
that, as he advanced and delivered up his commission, he seemed unable to have uttered
more.The hand that wrote the declaration of independence
prepared the words which, in the name of congress, its president, turning pale from excess
of feeling, then addressed to Washington, who stood, filling and commanding every eye:
"Sir: The United States in congress assembled receive with
emotions too affecting for utterance the solemn resignation of the authorities under which
you have led their troops with success through a perilous and a doubtful war. Called upon
by your country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge, before it
had formed alliances, and whilst it was without funds or a government to support you. You
have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding
the rights of the civil power through all disasters and changes. You have persevered, till
these United States, aided by a magnanimous kind and nation, have been enabled under a
just Providence to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence. Having taught a
lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feel oppression, with the blessings of
your fellow-citizens, you retire from the great theatre of action; but the glory of your
virtues will continue |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Dec.
23. |
Page 144
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to animate remotest ages. We
join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty
God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the
opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation." No more pleasing words could have reached Washington than those which pledged
congress to the reform of the national government. The allusion to the alliance with
France was right, for otherwise the achievement of independence would have been attributed
to the United States alone. But France and England were now at peace; and after their
reconciliation Washington, the happiest of warriors, as he ungirded the sword, would not
recall that they had been at war.
The business of the day being over, Washington set out for Mount
Vernon, and on Christmas eve, after an absence of nearly nine years, he crossed the
threshold of his own home; but not to find rest there, for the doom of greatness was upon
him. |
Chap.
I.
1783.
Dec.
23. |
Page 145 |
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