Chapter I

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CHAPTER I.

HOW THE LAND RECEIVED THE LEGACY OF WASHINGTON.

June -- December, 1783.

 

Page 117

All movements conspired to form for the thirteen states a constitution, sooner than they dared to hope and "better than they knew." "The love of union and the resistance to the claims of Great Britain were the inseparable inmates of the same bosom. Brave men from different states, risking life and everything valuable in a common cause, believed by all to be most precious, were confirmed in the habit of considering America as their country and congress as their government." [1] Acting as one, they had attained independence. Moreover, it was their fixed belief that they had waged battle not for themselves alone, but for the hopes and the rights of mankind; and this faith overleapt the limits of states with the force of a religious conviction. For eighteen years the states had watched together over their liberties; for eight they had borne arms together to preserve them; for more than two they Chap.
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1.  Marshall in Van Santvoord's Chief Justices of the U. S., 314, 315.


had been confederates under a compact to remain united forever.

The federation excelled every one that had preceded it. Inter-citizenship and mutual equality of rights between all its members gave to it a new character and an enduring unity. The Hebrew commonwealth was intensely exclusive, both by descent and from religion; every Greek republic grew out of families and tribes; the word nation originally implied a common ancestry. All mediæval republics, like the Roman municipalities, rested on privilege. The principle of inter-citizenship infused itself neither into the constitution of the old German empire, nor of Switzerland, nor of Holland. Even when the American people took up arms against Great Britain, congress defined only the membership [1] of each colony; the articles of confederation first brought in the rule that any one might at will transfer his membership from one state to another. Of old a family, a sept, a clan, a tribe, a nation, a race, owed its unity to consanguinity; the Americans became not only one people, but one nation. They had framed a union of several states in one confederacy, fortified and bound in with a further union of the inhabitants of every one of them by a mutual and reciprocally perfect naturalization. [2] This inter-citizenship, though only in its thirst year, has been so ratified by national affections, by the national acquisition of independence, by national treaties, by national interests, by


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1.  Journals of Congress, i. 365.
2.  Bacon's speech for general nat-.

uralization. Spedding's Bacon's Letters and Life, iii. 319.

national history, that the people possessing it cannot but take one step more, and from an indwelling necessity form above the states a common constitution for the whole.

It was to a nation which had not as yet a self-existent government, and which needed and felt the need of one, that Washington's legacy went forth. The love which was everywhere cherished for him, in itself had become a bond of union. "They are compelled to await the result of his letter," reported Luzerne; [1] "they hope more from the weight of a single citizen than from the authority of the sovereign body." Jonathan Trumbull, the venerable governor of Connecticut, in his prompt reply extolled "this last address of Washington which exhibited the foundation principles" of "an indissoluble union of the states under one federal hand." [2] When in the next autumn this faithful war governor, after more than fifty years of service, bade farewell to public life, imitating Washington, he set forth to the legislature of Connecticut, and through them to its people, that the grant to the federal constitution of powers clearly defined, ascertained, and understood, and sufficient for all the great purposes of union, could alone lead from the danger of anarchy to national happiness and glory. [3]

In June the general assembly of Delaware complied with all parts of the recommendation of congress, coupling the impost with the state's quota of


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1.  Luzerne to Vergennes, 4 Aug., 1783. MS.

2.  Jonathan Trumbull to Washington, 10 June, 1783. MS.
3.  Stuart's Trumbull, 604-608.

the federal requisition. [1] To Washington, Nicholas Van Dyke, the governor, on receiving the circular, reported this proof of their zeal for establishing the credit of the union, adding: "The state which declines a similar conduct must be blind to the united interest with which that of the individual states is inseparably connected." [2]

Pennsylvania, linking together the North and the South, never hesitated; then and ever after, it made the reasoning and the hopefulness of Washington its own. At a festival in Philadelphia, held near the middle of July, with Dickinson, the president of the state, in the chair, the leading toast was: "New strength to the union;" and, when "Honor and immortality to the principles in Washington's circular letter" was proposed, the company rose twice and manifested their approbation by nine huzzas.

A month later, Dickinson and the council of Pennsylvania sent to the general assembly the valedictory of the commander-in-chief, quoting and enforcing his words, saying: "We most earnestly recommend that the confederation be strengthened and improved. To advance the dignity of the union is the best way to advance the interest of each state. A federal supremacy, with a competent national revenue, to govern firmly general and relative concerns," can alone "ensure the respect, tranquillity, and safety, that are naturally attached to an extensive and well-established empire. All the authorities before mentioned may be vested in a federal council, not only without


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1.  Papers of Old Congress, lxxv. MS.

2.  Nicholas Van Dyke to Washington, 2 July, 1783. MS.

the least danger to liberty, but liberty will be thereby better secured." [1] The house on the twenty-fifth, joining together the impost and the quota of the state, unanimously ordered the grant of them both, [2] and at a later session thanked Washington specially for his final "circular letter, the inestimable legacy bequeathed to his country."

In March, during a session of the legislature of South Carolina, Greene, who had received the suggestions of Gouverneur Morris, addressed a letter to the state through Guerard, the governor, representing the sufferings and mutinous temper of the army, and the need of a revenue for congress, and saying: "Independence can only prove a blessing under congressional influence. More is to be dreaded from the members of congress exercising too little than too much power. The financier says his department is on the brink of ruin. To the northward, to the southward, the eyes of the army are turned upon the states, whose measures will determine their conduct. They will not be satisfied with general promises; nothing short of permanent and certain revenue will keep them subject to authority."

"No dictation by a Cromwell!" cried impatient members who could scarcely wait to hear the conclusion of the letter. [3] To mark independence of congress and resistance to the requisitions of "its swordsmen," South Carolina revoked its grant to the United States of power to levy a five per cent duty on im-


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1.  Colonial Records, xiii, 648, 649.
2.  Papers of Old Congress, lxxv. MS.

3.  Johnson's Life of Greene, ii. 387, 388.

ports. [1] Greene consoled himself with the thought that "he had done his duty and would await events;" but he was made wiser by the rebuff. While he perceived that without more effectual support the power of congress must expire, he saw that the movement of soldiers without civil authority is pregnant with danger, and would naturally fall under the "direction of the Clodiuses and Catilines in America." [2] The appeal of congress in April exercised little counteracting influence; but, when the circular of Washington arrived, the force and affection with which it was written produced an alteration of sentiment in more than one quarter of the members. "Washington was admired before; now he was little less than adored." [3] The continental impost act was adopted, through not without a clause reserving the collection of the duties to the officers of the state, and appropriating them to the payment of the federal quota of South Carolina. [4]

In October, Clinton, the governor of New York, responded to Washington: "Unless the powers of the national council are enlarged and that body better supported than at present, all its measures will discover such feebleness and want of energy as will stain us with disgrace and expose us to the worst of evils." [5] And in the following January, holding up to the legislature the last circular of the


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1.  Johnson's Life of Greene, ii. 388.
2.  Greene to G. Morris, 3 April, 1783. Sparks' Life of G. Morris, i. 251, 252.
3.  Greene to Washington, 8 Aug., 1783. Letters to Washington, iv. 38.

4.  Statute No. 1190, passed 13 Aug., 1783, in Statutes at Large of South Carolina, iv. 570.
5.  Clinton to Washington, 14 Oct., 1783. Letters to Washington, iv. 48.

commander-in-chief, he charged them to "be attentive to every measure which has a tendency to cement the union and to give to the national councils that energy which may be necessary for the general welfare." [1]

The circular reached Massachusetts just when the legislature was complaining of the half-pay and of excessively large salaries to civil officers. The senate and the house despatched a most affectionate joint address to Washington, attributing to the guidance of an all-wise Providence his selection as commander-in-chief, adding: "While patriots shall not cease to applaud your sacred attachment to the rights of citizens, your military virtue and achievements will make the brightest pages in the history of mankind." [2] To congress the legislature gave assurances that "it could not without horror entertain the most distant idea of the dissolution of the union;" though "the extraordinary grants of congress to civil and military officers had produced in the commonwealth effects of a threatening aspect." [3] John Hancock, the popular governor, commending Washington's circular, looked to him as the statesman "of wisdom and experience," teaching them how to improve to the happiest purposes the advantages gained by arms.

As president of the senate, Samuel Adams officially signed the remonstrance of Massachusetts against half-pay; as a citizen, he frankly and boldly, in his own state and in Connecticut, defended the advice of Washington: "In resisting encroachments


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1.  Speech to the legislature, 21 Jan., 1784.

2.  Boston Gazette, 22 Aug., 1783.
3.  Journals of Congress, iv. 276.

on our rights, an army became necessary. Congress were and ought to be the sole judge of the means of supporting that army; they had an undoubted right in the very nature of their appointment to make the grant of half-pay; and, as it was made in behalf of the United States, each state is bound in justice to comply with it, even though it should seem to them to have been an ill-judged measure. States as well as individual persons are equally bound to fulfil their engagements, and it is one part of the description given to us in the sacred scriptures of an honest man, that, though 'he sweareth to his own hurt, he changeth not.'" [1]

In like spirit congress replied to the protest against half-pay. "The measure was the result of a deliberate judgment framed on a general view of the interests of the union, and pledged the national faith to carry it into effect. If a state every way so important as Massachusetts should withhold her solid support to constitutional measures of the confederacy, the result must be a dissolution of the union; and then she must hold herself as alone responsible for the anarchy and domestic confusion that may succeed." [2]

At the opening of the autumn session, Hancock, recalling the attention of the legislature to the words of Washington, said: "How to strengthen and im-


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1.  Samuel Adams to a friend in Connecticut. Boston, 25 Sept., 1783. MS. Same to Noah Webster, 30 April, 1784. MS.
2.  Journals of Congress, iv. 277, 278. Congress, on which Washington was then in attendance,

would surely have consulted him on the half-pay of which he was the author. The original papers prove that the congressional reply to Massachusetts was prepared after much consultation, and here and there show traces of his mind.

prove this union, so as to render it more completely adequate, demands the immediate attention of these states. Our very existence as a free nation is suspended upon it." [1]

On the ninth of October he cited to the general court extracts of letters from John Adams, confirming the sentiments of Washington. Near forty towns in the state had instructed their representatives against granting the impost recommended by congress. And yet it was carried in the house by seventy-two against sixty-five; a proviso that it should not be used to discharge half-pay or its commutation was rejected by a majority of ten; and the bill passed the senate almost unanimously. [2] Some of the towns still murmured, but Boston in town-meeting answered: "The commutation is wisely blended with the national debt. With respect to the impost, if we ever mean to be a nation, we must give power to Congress and funds too."

But Washington's letter achieved its greatest victory in his own state. Mercer had said in congress that, sooner than reinstate the impost, he would "crawl to Richmond on his bare knees." [3] The legislature, which was in session when the communication from congress arrived, ordered a bill to grant the impost. Jefferson was hoping that Henry would speak for the grant; but he remained mute in his place. [4] Richard Henry Lee and Thruston spoke of congress


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1.  Salem Gazette of 2 Oct., 1783.
2.  Samuel Cooper to Franklin, 16 Oct., 1783. Works of Franklin, x. 25. Salem Gazette, 30 Oct., 1783.

3.  Madison to Randolph, 18 Feb., 1783. Gilpin, 506.
4.  Jefferson to Madison, 7 May, 1 June, 17 June, 1783. MSS.

as "lusting for power." The extent of the implied powers which Hamilton had asserted in the letter of congress to Rhode Island was "reprobated as alarming and of dangerous tendency;" [1] and on the eleventh of June the proposition of congress was pronounced to be inadmissible, because the revenue-officers were not to be amenable to the commonwealth; because the power of collecting a revenue by penal laws could not be delegated without danger; and because the moneys to be raised from citizens of Virginia were to go into the general treasury. So the proposition of congress was left without any support. Virginia, to discharge her continental debt, preferred to establish a custom-house of her own, appropriating its income to congress for five-and-twenty years, and making good the deficiency by taxes on land, negroes, and polls. "The state," said Arthur Lee, "is resolved not to suffer the exercise of any foreign power or influence within it." [2] But, when the words of Washington were read, the house gave leave to the advocates for a continental impost to provide for it by a bill which was to have its first reading at the opening of the next session.

These events did but render Richard Henry Lee more obdurate. Placing himself directly in the way of Washington and Madison, he wrote to a friend at the north: "The late address of congress to the states on the impost I think a too early and too strong attempt to overleap those fences established by the


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1.  Joseph Jones to Madison, 14 June, 1783, MS.; in part in Rives' Madison, i. 436.

2.  Arthur Lee to Theodorick Bland, 13 June, 1783. Bland Papers, ii. 110.

confederation to secure the liberties of the respective states. Give the purse to an aristocratic assembly, the sword will follow, and liberty become an empty name. As for increasing the power of congress, I would answer as the discerning men of old, with the change of a word only: 'Nolumus leges confederationis mutari -- we forbid change in the laws of the confederation.'" [1] But, in the time afforded for reflection, Washington's valedictory letter, which Jefferson describes as "deservedly applauded by the world," [2] gained more and more power; at the adjourned session, the legislature of Virginia, with absolute unanimity, reversed its decision and granted by law the continental impost. [3] "Everything will come right at last," said Washington, as he heard the gladdening news. [4]

"Never," said George Mason, "have I heard one single man deny the necessity and propriety of the union. No object can be lost when the mind of every man in the country is strongly attached to it." [5] "I do not believe," witnesses Jefferson, "there has ever been a moment when a single whig in any one state would not have been shuddered at the very idea of a separation of their state from the confederacy." [6] A proposition had been made in June to revoke the release to the United States of the territory north-west of the river Ohio. Patrick Henry was for bounding the state reasonably enough, but, instead of ceding the parts lopped off, he was for forming


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1.  R. H. Lee to William Whipple, 1 July, 1783. MS.
2.  Jefferson's Works, ix. 266.
3.  Hening, xi. 313.

4.  Sparks, ix, 5.
5.  George Mason in the Virginia Convention, 11 June, 1788.
6.  Jefferson, ix. 251.

them into small republics [1] under the direction of Virginia. Nevertheless, the legislature, guided by the sincerity and perseverance of Joseph Jones of King George county, conformed to the wishes of congress, and on the nineteenth and twentieth of December cheerfully amended and confirmed their former cession. [2]

The last legislature to address Washington in his public character was Maryland, and they said: "By your letter you have taught us how to value, preserve, and improve that liberty which your services under the smiles of Providence have secured. If the powers given to congress by the confederation should be found incompetent to the purposes of the union, our constituents will readily consent to enlarge them." [3]

On the part of congress, its president, Elias Boudinot of New Jersey, transmitted to the ministers of America in Europe the circular letter of Washington as the most perfect evidence of "his inimitable character." [4]

Before the end of June, raw recruits of the Pennsylvania line, in the barracks at Philadelphia, many of them foreign born, joined by others from Lancaster, [5] "soldiers of a day who could have very few hardships to complain of," [6] with some returning veterans whom they forced into their ranks, [7] encouraged by no officer of note, [8], surrounding congress [9] and the


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1.  Jefferson to Madison, 17 June, 1783. MS.
2.  Journals of House of DElegates, 71, 79.
3.  Address of the Maryland legislature, 22 Dec., 1783. MS.
4.  Dip. Cor., i. 14.

5.  Ibid., i. 9.
6.  Sparks, viii. 455.
7.  Dip. Cor., i. 10, 22, 23; Hamilton, i. 387.
8.  Dip. Cor., ii. 514; i. 37, 50.
9.  Gilpin, 548; Colonial Records, xiii. 655.

council of Pennsylvania, mutinously presented to them demands for pay. Congress insisted with the state authorities that the militia should be called out to restore order, and, the request being refused, [1] it adjourned to Princeton. On the rumor that the commander-in-chief was sending troops to quell the mutiny, the insurgents, about three hundred in number, made their submission to the president of the state. [2]

The incident hastened the selection of a place for the permanent residence of congress. The articles of confederation left congress free to meet where it would. With the knowledge of the treaty of peace, the idea naturally arose of a federal town, and for its site there were many competitors. Of the thirteen states which at that time fringed the Atlantic, the central point was in Maryland or Virginia. In March, 1783, New York tendered Kingston; in May, Maryland urged the choice of Annapolis; in June, New Jersey offered a district below the falls of the Delaware. Virginia, having Georgetown for its object, [3] invited Maryland to join in a cession of equal portions of territory lying together on the Potomac; leaving congress to fix its residence on either side. [4]

During the summer, congress appointed a committee to consider what jurisdiction it should exercise in its abiding-place. Madison took counsel with Randolph, and especially with Jefferson; [5] and in September the committee of which he was a member reported that the state ceding the territory must


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1.  Hamilton, ii. 276.
2.  Dip. Cor., i. 12.
3.  Madison to Randolph, 13 Oct., 1783. Gilpin, 578.

4.  Journals of the Virginia House of Delegates, June 28, 1783, p. 97.
5.  Gilpin, 573.

give up all jurisdiction over it; the inhabitants were to be assured of a government of laws made by representatives of their own election. [1] In October, congress took up the question of its permanent residence. Gerry struggled hard for the district on the Potomac; but, by the vote of Delaware and all the northern states, "a place on the Delaware near the falls" was selected. Within a few days the fear of an overpowering influence of the middle states led to what was called "the happy coalition;" on the seventeenth Gerry insisted that the alternative residence of congress in two places would secure the mutual confidence and affections of the states and preserve the federal balance of power. After a debate of several days, New England, with Maryland, Virginia, and the two Carolinas, decided that congress should reside for equal periods on the Delaware and near the lower falls of the Potomac. Till buildings for its use should be erected, it was to meet alternatively in Annapolis and Trenton. To carry out the engagement, a committee, of which James Monroe was a member, made an excursion from Annapolis in the following May to view the country round Georgetown; and they reported in favor of the position on which the city of Washington now stands. [4]

The farewell circular letter of Washington addressed to all his countrymen had attracted the attention of congress, and in particular of Hamilton,


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1.  Gilpin, 559, 571-576.
2.  Madison to Randolph, 13 Oct., 1783. Gilpin, 576. [ed. ??]
3.  Higginson to Bland, Jan., 1784. Bland Papers, ii. 113, 114. Com-

pare Boudinot to R. R. Livingston, 23 Oct., 17832. MS. [ed. ??]
4.  Monroe to Jefferson, May 20 and May 25, 1784. MSS.

who roused himself from his own desponding mood when he saw the great chieftain go forth alone to combat "the epidemic phrenzy" [1] of the supreme sovereignty of the separate states. During the time of disturbances in the army, "could force have availed, he had almost wished to see it employed." [2] Knowing nothing beforehand of Washington's intention to address the people, he had favored some combined action of congress and the general to compel the states forthwith to choose between national anarchy and a consolidated union. [3] No sooner had congress established itself in Princeton [4] than the zeal of the youthful statesman bore him toward the same noble end, and by the same means as Washington. He drafted a most elaborate and comprehensive series of resolutions embodying in clear and definite language the defects in the confederation as a form of federal government; and closing with an earnest recommendation to the several states to appoint a convention to meet at a fixed time and place, with full powers to revise the confederation, and adopt and propose such alterations as to them should appear necessary; to be finally approved or rejected by the states respectively. [5]

But in congress of that day he found little disposition to second an immediate effort for a new constitution. Of the committee elected on the twenty-eighth of April, which counted among its members the great names of Ellsworth, Wilson, and Ham-


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1.  Hamilton, i. 402.
2.  Ibid., i. 352.
3.  Ibid., i. 402.
4.  Hamilton's endorsement on his own paper is: "Resolutions in-

tended to be submitted to congress at Princeton in 1783, but abandoned for want of support." MS.
5.  Hamilton, i. 269-275.

ilton, Wilson and two others had gone home; Ellsworth followed in the first half of July, but not till he had announced to the governor of Connecticut: "It will soon be of very little consequence where congress go, if they are not made respectable as well as responsible; which can never be done without giving them a power to perform engagements as well as make them. There must be a revenue somehow established that can be relied on and applied for national purposes, independent of the will of a single state, or it will be impossible to support national faith, or national existence. The powers of congress must be adequate to the purposes of their constitution. It is possible there may be abuses and misapplications; still it is better to hazard something than to hazard all." [1] Nearly at the same moment Hamilton wrote to Greene: "There is so little disposition, either in or out of congress, to give solidity to our national system, that there is no motive to a man to lose his time in the public service who has no other view than to promote its welfare. Experience must convince us that our present establishments are utopian before we shall be ready to part with them for better." To Jay his words were: "It is to be hoped that, when prejudice and folly have run themselves out of breath, we may return to reason and correct our errors." [2] Confirmed in "his ill forebodings as to the future system of the country," [3] "he abandoned his resolutions for the want of support." [4]

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1.  Ellsworth, infra, 324.
2.  Johnson, ii. 442. Jay's Jay, ii. 123.

3.  Hamilton, i., 352.
4.  Hamilton's memorandum. MS.

In congress, which he left near the end of July, three months before the period for which he was chosen expired, we know through his ardent friend that "his homilies were recollected with pleasure;" that his extreme zeal made impressions in favor of his integrity, honor, and republican principles; that he had displayed various knowledge, had been sometimes intemperate and sometimes, through rarely, visionary; that cautious statesmen thought, if he could pursue an object with as much cold perseverance as he could defend it with ardor and judgement, he would prove irresistible. [1] From the goodness of his heart, his pride, and his sense of duty he gave up "future views of public life," [2] to toil for the support of his wife and children in a profession of which to him the labors were alike engrossing and irksome. [3] In four successive years, with few to heed him, he had written and spoken for a constituent federal convention. His last official word to Clinton was: "Strengthen the confederation." [4]

On the second of September, more than a month after Hamilton had withdrawn, the remnant of the committee of the twenty-eighth of April, increased by Samuel Huntington, of Connecticut, reported that "until the effect of the resolution of congress, of April last, relating to revenue, should be known, it would be proper to postpone the further consideration of the concurrent resolutions of the senate and assem-


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1.  McHenry to Hamilton, 29 Oct., 1783. Hamilton, i. 411.
2.  Hamilton to Clinton, 14 May, 1783. Hamilton, i. 368.
3.  That Hamilton disliked the la-

bors of a lawyer, I received from Eliphalet Nott.
4.  Hamilton to Clinton, 3 Oct., 1783. Hamilton, i. 407.

bly of New York." [1] In this way the first proposition by a state for reforming the government through a federal convention was put to sleep.

All this while the British commander was preparing for the evacuation of New York. The malignant cruelty of royalists, especially in New York and South Carolina, who prompted and loved to execute the ruthless orders of Germain, aroused against them, as had been foretold, a just indignation, which unhappily extended to thousands of families in the United States who had taken no part in the excesses. Toward these Washington and Adams, Jay and Hamilton, and Jefferson, who was especially called "their protector and support," [2] and many of the best councelled forbearance and forgiveness. Motives of policy urged their absorption into the population of the union now that the sovereign to whom they had continued their allegiance had given them their release. But a dread of their political influence prevailed, and before the end of 1783 more than twenty-thousand loyalists, as many as the original planters of Massachusetts, and, like them, families of superior culture, were driven to seek homes in the wilds of Nova Scotia. [3] In this way the United States out of their own children built up on their border a colony of rivals in navigation and the fishery whose loyalty to the British crown was sanctified by misfortunes. Nor did the British parliament hesitate for a moment to compensate all refugees for the confiscation of their


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1.  Report of Peters, McHenry, Izard, Duane, and S. Huntington, of 2 Sept., 1783. MS.

2.  Luzerne to Rayneval, of 18 June, 1784. MS.
3.  Haliburton's Nova Scotia, i. 263.

property, and, when the amount was ascertained, it voted them from the British treasury as an indemnity very nearly fifteen and a half millions of dollars. [1]

The American army being nearly disbanded, Washington, on the eighteenth of July, with Governor Clinton as his companion, made an excursion into the interior, during which he personally examined the lines of water communication between branches of the Hudson and the Saint Lawrence, the lakes and the Susquehanna. By these observations, he comprehended more clearly "the immense extent and importance of the inland navigation of the United States. I shall not rest contented," said he, "till I have explored the western country and traversed great part of those lines which give bounds to a new empire." [2]

He wished at that time to visit the Niagara; but over the fort on the American side of that river the British flag still waved. Thrice Washington had invited the attention of congress to the western posts; and he was now instructed to demand them. He accordingly accredited Steuben to Haldimand, the British commander-in-chief in Canada, with power to receive them. At Sorel, on the eighth of August, Steuben explained his mission to Haldimand, who answered that he had not received any orders for making the least arrangements for the evacuation of a single post; and without positive orders he would not evacuate one inch of ground. [3] Nor would he


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1.  Sabine's Loyalists, 111.
2.  Washington to Chastellux, Oct., 1783. Sparks, viii. 489.

3.  Baron Steuben to Washington, 23 Aug., 1783. Letters to Washington, iv. 41, 42.

permit Steuben to communicate with the inhabitants of any place occupied by the British.

On the seventh of August, just as Washington had returned from his northern tour, congress, ten states being present, unanimously voted him a statue of bronze, to be executed by the best artist of Europe. [1] On the marble pedestal were to be represented, in low relief, the evacuation of Boston, the capture of Hessians at Trenton, the victory at Princeton, the action at Monmouth, and the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. "The statue," wrote Luzerne, "is the only mark of public gratitude which Washington can accept, and the only one which the government in its poverty can offer." [2]

But a greater honor awaited him. At the request of congress, he removed his quarters to the neighborhood of Princeton; and on the twenty-sixth, in a public audience, Boudinot, the president, said to him: "In other nations many have deserved and received the thanks of the public; but to you, sir, peculiar praise is due; your services have been essential in acquiring and establishing the freedom and independence of your country. It still needs your services in forming arrangements for the time of peace." A committee was charged to receive his assistance in preparing and directing the necessary plans. [3]

The choice of Washington for a counsellor proved the sincerity of congress in favor of union, and a


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1.  Journals of Congress, iv. 251. It still remains to give effect to the vote.

2.  Luzerne to Vergennes, 25 Aug., 1783. MS.
3.  Journals of Congress, iv. 256.

series of national measures was inaugurated. For a peace establishment, he matured a system which was capable of a gradual development. He would have a regular and standing force of twenty-six hundred and thirty-one men, to be employed chiefly in garrisoning the frontier posts. Light troops he specially recommended as suited to the genius of the people. The people in all the states were to be organized and trained in arms as one grand national militia. He proposed a military academy like the Prussian schools, of which he had learned the character from Steuben. Vacancies in the class of officers were to be filled from its graduates; but promotions were not to depend on seniority alone. For the materials essential to war, there were to be not only national arsenals but national manufactories. The Protection of foreign commerce would require a navy. All branches in the service were to look exclusively to congress for their orders and their pay. A penniless treasury, which congress knew not how to fill, made the scheme for the moment an ideal one.

To regulate intercourse with the tribes of Indians, Washington laid down the outlines of a system. Outside of the limits of the states no purchase of their lands was to be made, but by the United States as "the sovereign power." All traders with them were to be under strict control. He penetrated the sinister design of the British government to hold the western posts, and recommended friendly attention to the French and other settlers at Detroit and elsewhere in the western territory. Looking to "the formation of new states," he sketched the boundaries


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of Ohio and of Michigan, and, on his advice, [1] congress in October resolved on appointing a committee to report a plan of a temporary government for the western territory whose inhabitants were one day to be received into the union under republican constitutions of their own choice. Here the greatness of the intention was not impaired by the public penury, for the work was to be executed by the emigrants themselves. In anticipation of an acceptable cession of the north-western lands by all the claimant states, officers and soldiers who had a right to bounty lands began to gain the west by way of the lakes or across the mountains. [2] This was the movement toward union which nothing could repress or weaken. Especially Maryland insisted that "the sovereignty over the western territory was vested in the United States as one undivided and independent nation." [3]

Among his latest official acts, Washington interceded with congress on behalf of Kosciuszko, pleading for him "his merit and services from the concurrent testimony of all who knew him;" and congress accordingly granted the Polish exile who was to become dear to many nations the brevet commission of brigadier-general. [4]

The last days of this congress were cheered by the arrival of Van Berckel, as envoy from the Dutch republic, the first minister accredited to America

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1.  Washington to Duane, 7 Sept., 1783. Sparks, viii. 477. Secret Journals of Congress, i. 255-260.
2.  Journals of Congress, iv. 294-296.

3.  Journals of Congress, iv. 265. In the original MS, the word "one" is twice underscored.
4.  Washington to Congress, 2 Oct., 1783. Sparks, viii. 487.
since the peace. [1] An escort was sent out to meet him, and on the thirty-first of October, in a public audience, congress gave him a national welcome.

On the first of November the third congress under the confederation came together for the last time. It made persistent attempts to invigorate the union; declared the inviolable sanctity of the national debt; asked of the states a general revenue; prepared for planting new states in the continental domain; and extended diplomatic relations. Its demand of powers of government did not reach far enough, but it kept alive the desire for reform. It appointed a day of public thanksgiving that "all the people might assemble to give praise to their Supreme Benefactor for the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the United States;" and, as the day came, the pulpit echoed the prayer; "May all the states be one." [2]

The principle of rotation drove Madison from the national councils. He was unmarried and above care; and, until he should again be eligible to congress, he devoted himself to the study of federal government and to public service in the legislature of his own state, where with strong convictions and unselfish patriotism he wrought with single-mindedness to bring about an efficient form of republican government. He was calm, wakeful, and cautious, pursuing with patience his one great object; never missing an opportunity to advance it; caring not over-

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1.  Van Berckel to the states general, 3 Nov., 1783. MS.

2.  John Murray's thanksgiving sermon, Tyranny's grove destroyed, p. 71.

much for conspicuousness or fame; and ever ready to efface himself if he could but accomplish his design.

On Sunday, the second of November, the day before the discharge of all persons enlisted for the war, the commander-in-chief addressed the armies of the United States, however widely their members might be dispersed. Mingling affectionate thanks with praise, he described their unparalleled perseverance for eight long years as little short of a standing miracle, and for their solace bade them call to recollection the astonishing events in which they had taken part, the enlarged prospects of happiness which they had assisted to open for the human race. He encouraged them as citizens to renew their old occupations; and, to those hardy soldiers who were fond of domestic enjoyment and personal independence, he pointed to the fertile regions beyond the Alleghanies as the most happy asylum. In the moment of parting, he held up as an example to the country the harmony which had prevailed in the camp, where men from different parts of the continent and of the most violent local prejudices instantly became but one patriotic band of brothers. "Although the general," these are the words of his last order, "has so frequently given it as his opinion in the most public and explicit manner, that, unless the principles of the federal government were properly supported, and the powers of the union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost forever, yet he cannot help leaving it as his last injunction to every officer and every soldier to add his best endeavors toward effect-


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ing these great purposes." [1] Washington sent forth every one of his fellow-soldiers as an apostle of union under a new constitution.

Almost all the Germans who had been prisoners preferred to abide in the United States, where they soon became useful citizens. The remnant of the British army had crossed to Staten Island and Long Island for embarkation, when, on the twenty-fifth of November, Washington and the governor and other officers of the state and city of New York were met at the Bowery by Knox and citizens, and in orderly procession made their glad progress into the heart of the town. Rejoicings followed. The emblem chosen to introduce the evening display of fireworks was a dove descending with the olive-branch.

For their farewell to Washington, the officers of the army, on the fourth of December, met at a public-house near the Battery, and were soon joined by their commander. The thoughts of the eight years which they had passed together, their common distresses, their victories, and now their parting from the public service, the future of themselves and of their country, came thronging to every mind. No relation of friendship is stronger or more tender than that between men who have shared together the perils of war in a noble and upright cause. The officers could attest that the courage which is the most perfect and the most rare, the courage which determines the man, without the least hesitation, to hold his life of less account than the success of the cause for which he

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25.

 

 

 

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1.  Farewell address to the armies of the United States. Rocky Hill,

near Princeton, 2 Nov., 1783. Sparks, viii. 493.

contends, was the habit of Washington. Pledging them in a glass of wine, he thus addressed them: "With an heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. May your latter days be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious. I shall be obliged to you if each of you will come and take me by the hand." With tears on his cheeks, he grasped the hand of Knox, who stood nearest, and embraced him. In the same manner he took leave of every officer. Followed by the company in a silent procession, he passed through a corps of light infantry to the ferry at Whitehall. Entering his barge, he waved his hat to them; with the same silence they returned that last voiceless farewell, and the boat pushed across the Hudson. A father parting from his children could not excite more regret nor draw more tears. [1]

On his way through New Jersey, the chief was received with the tenderest respect and affection by all classes of men. The roads were covered with people who came from all quarters to see him, to get near to him, to speak to him. Alone and ready to lay down in the hands of congress the command which had been confided to him, he appeared even greater than when he was at the head of the armies of the United States. The inhabitants of Philadelphia knew that he was drawing near, and, without other notice, an innumerable crowd placed themselves along the road where he was to pass. Women, aged men, left their houses to see him. Children passed among the horses to touch his garments. Acclamations of joy


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1.  Luzerne to Vergennes, 13 Dec., 1783. MS.


and gratitude accompanied him in all the streets. Never was homage more spontaneous or more pure. The general enjoyed the scene, and owned himself by the moment repaid for eight years of toils and wants and tribulations. [1]

At Philadelphia, he put into the hands of the comptroller his accounts to the thirteenth of December, 1783, all written with minute exactness by his own hand, and accompanied by vouchers conveniently arranged. Every debit against him was credited; but, as he had not always made an entry of moneys of his own expended in the public service, he was, and chose to remain, a considerable loser. To the last he refused all compensation and all indemnity, though his resources had been greatly diminished by the war.

On the twenty-third of December, at noon, congress in Annapolis received the commander-in-chief. Its members, when seated, wore their hats, as a sign that they represented the sovereignty of the union. Places were assigned to the governor, council, and legislature of Maryland, to general officers, and to the representative of France. Spectators filled the gallery and crowded upon the floor. Hope gladdened all as they forecast the coming greatness of their land.

Rising with dignity, Washington spoke of the rectitude of the common cause; the support of congress; of his countrymen; of Providence; and he commended the interests of "our dearest country to the care of Almighty God." Then saying that he had


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1.  Luzerne to Vergennes, 13 Dec., 1783. MS.


finished the work assigned him to do, he bade an affectionate farewell to the august body under whose orders he had so long acted, resigned with satisfaction the commission which he had accepted with diffidence, and took leave of public life. His emotion was so great that, as he advanced and delivered up his commission, he seemed unable to have uttered more.

The hand that wrote the declaration of independence prepared the words which, in the name of congress, its president, turning pale from excess of feeling, then addressed to Washington, who stood, filling and commanding every eye:

"Sir: The United States in congress assembled receive with emotions too affecting for utterance the solemn resignation of the authorities under which you have led their troops with success through a perilous and a doubtful war. Called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge, before it had formed alliances, and whilst it was without funds or a government to support you. You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power through all disasters and changes. You have persevered, till these United States, aided by a magnanimous kind and nation, have been enabled under a just Providence to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence. Having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feel oppression, with the blessings of your fellow-citizens, you retire from the great theatre of action; but the glory of your virtues will continue


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to animate remotest ages. We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation."

No more pleasing words could have reached Washington than those which pledged congress to the reform of the national government. The allusion to the alliance with France was right, for otherwise the achievement of independence would have been attributed to the United States alone. But France and England were now at peace; and after their reconciliation Washington, the happiest of warriors, as he ungirded the sword, would not recall that they had been at war.

The business of the day being over, Washington set out for Mount Vernon, and on Christmas eve, after an absence of nearly nine years, he crossed the threshold of his own home; but not to find rest there, for the doom of greatness was upon him.

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